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When the stability of American life was threatened by the Great Depression, the decisive and visionary policy contained in FDR's New Deal offered America a way forward. In this groundbreaking work, William E. Leuchtenburg traces the evolution of what was both the most controversial and effective socioeconomic initiative ever undertaken in the United States—and explains how the social fabric of American life was forever altered. It offers illuminating lessons on the challenges of economic transformation—for our time and for all time.
- Sales Rank: #650978 in Books
- Published on: 1963-07-17
- Released on: 1963-07-17
- Ingredients: Example Ingredients
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 1.04" h x 5.33" w x 8.00" l,
- Binding: Paperback
- 432 pages
Features
- A chapter in America's development.
Review
"Considerable amount of new information, as well as a balanced synthesis." -- -- Robert E. Burke
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Chapter One
The Politics of Hard Times
The Democratic party opened the 1932 campaign confident of victory. The crash of 1929 had made a mockery of Republican claims to being "the party of prosperity." In the three years of Herbert Hoover's Presidency, the bottom had dropped out of the stock market and industrial production had been cut more than half. At the beginning of the summer, Iron Age reported that steel plants were operating at a sickening 12 per cent of capacity with "an almost complete lack" of signs of a turn for the better. In three years, industrial construction had slumped from $949 million to an unbelievable $74 million. In no year since the Civil War were so few miles of new railroad track laid."1
By 1932, the unemployed numbered upward of thirteen million. Many lived in the primitive conditions of a preindustrial society stricken by famine. In the coal fields of West Virginia and Kentucky, evicted families shivered in tents in midwinter; children went barefoot. In Los Angeles, people whose gas and electricity had been turned off were reduced to cooking over wood fires in back lots. Visiting nurses in New York found children famished; one episode, reported Lillian Wald, "might have come out of the tales of old Russia." A Philadelphia storekeeper told a reporter of one family he was keeping going on credit: "Eleven children in that house. They've got no shoes, no pants. In the house, no chairs. My God, you go in there, you cry, that's all."2
At least a million, perhaps as many as two millions were wandering the country in a fruitless quest for work or adventure or just a sense of movement. They roved the waterfronts of both oceans, rode in cattle cars and gondolas of the Rock Island and the Southern Pacific, slept on benches in Boston Common and Lafayette Square, in Chicago's Grant Park and El Paso's Plaza. From Klamath Falls to Sparks to Yuma, they shared the hobo's quarters in oak thickets strewn with blackened cans along the railroad tracks. On snowy days, as many as two hundred men huddled over fires in the jungle at the north end of the railway yards in Belen, New Mexico. Unlike the traditional hobo, they sought not to evade work but to find it. But it was a dispirited search. They knew they were not headed toward the Big Rock Candy Mountain; they were not, in fact, headed anywhere, only fleeing from where they had been.3
On the outskirts of town or in empty lots in the big cities, homeless men threw together makeshift shacks of boxes and scrap metal. St. Louis had the largest "Hooverville," a settlement of more than a thousand souls, but there was scarcely a city that did not harbor at least one. Portland, Oregon, quartered one colony under the Ross Island bridge and a second of more than three hundred men in Sullivan's Gulch. Below Riverside Drive in New York City, an encampment of squatters lined the shore of the Hudson from 72nd Street to 110th Street. In Brooklyn's Red Hook section, jobless men bivouacked in the city dump in sheds made of junked Fords and old barrels. Along the banks of the Tennessee in Knoxville, in the mudflats under the Pulaski Skyway in New Jersey, in abandoned coke ovens in Pennsylvania's coal counties, in the huge dumps off Blue Island Avenue in Chicago, the dispossessed took their last stand.4
"We are like the drounding man, grabbing at every thing that flotes by, trying to save what little we have," reported a North Carolinian. In Chicago, a crowd of some fifty hungry men fought over a barrel of garbage set outside the back door of a restaurant; in Stockton, California, men scoured the city dump near the San Joaquin River to retrieve half-rotted vegetables. The Commissioner of Charity in Salt Lake City disclosed that scores of people were slowly starving, because neither county nor private relief funds were adequate, and hundreds of children were kept out of school because they had nothing to wear. "We have been eating wild greens," wrote a coal miner from Kentucky's Harlan County. "Such as Polk salad. Violet tops, wild onions. forget me not wild lettuce and such weeds as cows eat as a cow wont eat a poison weeds."5
As the party in power during hard times, the Republicans faced almost certain defeat in the 1932 elections. President Herbert Hoover could escape repudiation only if the Democrats permitted internal divisions to destroy them. There was some prospect that the Democrats might do just that. National Democratic party leaders criticized Hoover not because he had done too little but because he had done too much. The main criticism they leveled at Hoover was that he was a profligate spender. In seeking to defeat progressive measures, Republicans in Congress could count on the votes of a majority of Democrats on almost every roll call.6 But when, in their determination to balance the budget, Democratic leaders reached the point of advocating a federal sales tax, many of the congressional Democrats balked.7 Under the leadership of Representative Robert "Muley" Doughton of North Carolina, rebellious Democrats joined with Fiorello La Guardia's insurgent Republicans to vote down the sales tax and adopt income and estate taxes instead.8 The sales tax fight fixed the lines of combat at the forthcoming Democratic convention. Progressive Democrats were determined to overturn the national party leadership at Chicago in June and choose a liberal presidential nominee.
By the spring of 1932, almost every prominent Democratic progressive had become committed to the candidacy of New York's Governor Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Liberal Democrats were somewhat uneasy about Roosevelt's reputation as a trimmer, and disturbed by the vagueness of his formulas for recovery, but no other serious candidate had such good claims on progressive support. As governor of New York, he had created the first comprehensive system of unemployment relief . . .
Most helpful customer reviews
18 of 19 people found the following review helpful.
Wonderful Intro to FDR & The New Deal
By R. Schwartz
I have very much enjoyed this book. It appears very objective - relatively speaking - and describes both the benefits and failures of the New Deal Economic policies and social advancement. It acknowledges the second crash of 1937 and the many problems incurred. And yet it does not deny the social progress that has helped millions of voices that were otherwise previously unheard in the political arena of American life.
The book takes on FDR and the New Deal Administration's efforts and set backs. It does however fail in the reasons of economics, the deeper structural reasons as to why many of the New Deal measures failed. The books does write of the Gold buying, the TVA, the higher taxes, the farm subsidies, relief efforts, the 100's of Acts, the Supreme Court decisions, the internal affairs and problems. What I especially enjoyed was the descriptions and political views of many of the other running mates as in Father Coughlin - a Yahoo, Huey Long and "Share the Wealth," Upton Sinclair, Merman, Wilkes - others and the political climate of socialism through out the country.
Immediately after reading this book, I began reading another book called "FDR's Folly," by Jim Powell, which is an anti-New Deal account with detailed analysis pertaining to the economic policies and their failures, written from a lazzaire-faire, Free Market, and Libertarian viewpoint - a bias account which supports the old two-class capitalism, and yet is also an excellent book. A good pro-New Deal on Social Security is Joe Cnason's "The Raw Deal." I recommend reading these books, as this one by William E. Leuchtenburg is more detailed in the social advancements as Powell's is more detailed on economics.
9 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
The New Deal Starter Book
By Amergin
In just 350 pages, Leuchtenburg somehow manages to tell the story of the New Deal. That he was able do this in such an entertaining and informative way should be studied by future authors of history of all sorts. There are many New Deal books, and several are well written (I like Kennedy and Schlesinger), but you won't get the maximum benefit out of them without previous reading - this is the place to start!
17 of 22 people found the following review helpful.
Setting the Record Straight about FDR
By Dana Garrett
As the USA contemplates taking on an $800 billion stimulus package to jump start its moribund economy, many are asking if there has ever been a comparable investment that has triggered a recovery. The usual answer is Franklin Roosevelt's "New Deal" and how it wrested the USA from the Great Depression.
But some, mostly conservative, revisionist scholarship has questioned that answer. This scholarship points to the recession of 1937 as evidence that the New Deal spurred little or no recovery at all. These scholars further claim it was the onset of War World 2 with all its attendant war manufacturing that wrested the USA's economy from the throes of the Great Depression, apparently oblivious to the irony that the rearmament campaign was a massive government spending spree.
Fortunately, we have William E. Leuchtenburg's Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal: 1932-1940 to set us straight. Reading Leuchtenburg's work, it's clear that the revisionists use quite selective evidence. They are especially suspect for what they don't tell us. For example, by 1936 the New Deal had
* created at least 6 million jobs
* increased the national income by half in 1936 from what it was in 1933
* doubled industrial output
* spurred Detroit to manufacture more cars than any year since 1929
* energized utility companies to sell more electricity than any time in the past
* quadrupled the net income of farm operators
* caused corporation profit sheets, which ran a $2 billion deficit in 1933, to run ran $5 billion in the black (p. 194)
To be sure, there was a recession in 1937, but it was not because of the New Deal policies. Rather, it was precisely because they were being abandoned:
"The more successful the New Deal was, the more it undid itself. The more prosperous the country became, the more the people returned to the only values they knew, those associated with an individualistic, success-oriented society. ... During the upturn of 1935 - 37, conservative argued that, since the crisis had passed, reforms were no longer appropriate. When the recession struck, this plea had even greater force; as the nerve of business opposition revived, the old convictions that business could run the economy with greater efficiency than bureaucrats reappeared." (p.273)
Roosevelt took a more moderate line during the recession, partly because of the intransigence of Congress. Consequently, the economy didn't recover until the massive government spending that occurred during the run up and onset of the second world war. Even so there is a lesson in the recovery that the conservative revisionists would never want to admit:
"Although it was the war that freed the government from the taboos of a balanced budget and revealed the potentialities of spending, it is conceivable that New Deal measures would have led the country into a new cycle of prosperity even if there had been no war. Marked gains had been made before the war spending had any appreciable effect. When recovery did come, it was much more soundly based because of the adoption of the New Deal program." (p.347)
Both the New Deal spending and the rearmament spending were budget busting stimulus programs. In terms of the impact they had on the economy, they both had the same effect: viz., they spurred a recovery. And both effectively questioned and refuted the conservative assumptions that balanced budgets and a private sector largely free from the targeted economic stimuli of the public sector are the sine qua non of a recovering economy.
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